[Venezuela] Poverty is the biggest failure

From El Universial

INTERVIEW / Petkoff regrets President Chávez' autocracy and inefficiency.

The Coordination and Planning Head Office (Cordiplan) ex minister thinks that an alternative project to remove misery could defeat President Hugo Chávez. Will he face the challenge of running for president? "Something about it ought to be said soon."

PEDRO PABLO PEÑALOZA
EL UNIVERSAL

A guerrilla member, congressman, founder of a political party, writer, intellectual, minister and journalist, in the Venezuelan political scenario Teodoro Petkoff has been almost everything. And some think that he could be everything.

"I am basically a fighter. I have always swum against the tide," he reasoned, before conceding that he continues facing a tide called Hugo Chávez.

Q: Following the step taken by the opposition last December 4th, how to raise public awareness and back a strategy to take part in elections?

A: There is not an easy answer to this question. Demobilization should be fought by means of mobilization; hence, there is need to have a set of encouraging policies, alternative programs and well defined proposals to call up people.

Q: Is a country's project a must to entice the majority?

A: There are plenty of reasons for the Venezuelan people to take active part in politics. As a matter of fact, the recent crisis from the collapse of the viaduct on Caracas-La Guaira freeway mirrors the government inability and inefficiency.

The current government, besides social welfare programs, or missions, cannot boast about any other achivement. The country bears witness to huge inefficiency. Chávez focused public attention on the question of poverty and the need to fight it; but it has been his major failure. Seven years later, poverty levels are not positive at all. On the contrary, they are higher. No matter if impoverished sectors experienced some improvement in their income and purchasing power by means of missions.

As evidenced from the first session of "street parliamentary action," the toughest claims come precisely from the grassroots sectors, which are the presumed recipients of government social polices. Such social programs of undeniable scope, are starting to show the seams. The initial gratitude gave way to claims of disorganization, poor service and corruption. It is a huge failure.

Q: But complaint is not enough, as it seems that Chávez does not give a damn. There should be an alternative message that the opposition has promised but failed to convey.

A: Of course, criticism is not enough, but an alternative should be provided. Criticizing lack of prevention in the viaduct case is not enough. There is need to show what could have been done. The government should build an alternative way. The same way that is being built in a rush after the damages caused.

Obviously, poverty results from high unemployment and underemployment rates. Jobs come from investment. If public and private investment is to be made, the government should be ready to engage in plans and projects leading for job creation.

An environment to attract private investment should be fostered by means of institutional and macro-economic policies. All in all, the private sector is the first employer in Venezuela. There is need for rules of the game, but there are not any. The Constitution and laws are used to indulge the President's every whim. Nobody's position is for sure and this does not encourage private investors.

An exchange policy that keeps the local currency overvalued resulted in USD 25 billion in imports last year. No formal private sector or cooperative can stand the burden of such competition. Rather than the Fund for Economic and Social Development (Fondespa) and the Fund for Natural Disasters (Fonden), used discretionary by Chávez, a procedure to use oil revenues for a standing fund of development projects with clear rules should be devised.

Q: During the campaign for the recall referendum, the opposition focused on the issue of missions. Government supporters capitalized on it and warned against the end of such programs in the event of winning the "Yes" vote.

A: Missions should be revised to remove corruption. Such plans are indispensable, but they should rely on a global policy to eradicate poverty and phase out offsetting programs.

A housing policy should be implemented to overcome the housing deficit and create jobs. In this regard, Chávez' failure has been huge.

People cannot be punished with a VAT of 14 percent. And there are no reasons for the bank debit tax in the face of significant oil income. Further, it is a shame that, after seven years, the government has failed to organize a new social security program. This should be an absolute priority in the near future.

Efficiency and reason

Q: In addition to an alternative nationwide project, the opposition is longing for a single leader. Will primary elections serve to mobilize the dissent and join it under one single person?

A: There is a historical example of how to solve such things in the best manner. When Chileans defeated (Augusto) Pinochet in the referendum and the election for president was brought forward, political forces selected their candidate based on political reasons and in the national interest. For them, it was clear that after Pinochet, who had defeated Socialist (Salvador) Allende, the candidate should be somebody located in the center, perhaps a little bit to the right. For this reason, they wisely chose Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin.

Q: Do you mean that the Venezuelan opposition should choose a candidate from the center-leftwing?

A: I have not said that. The Venezuelan situation is an atypical one. Traditional powers are much lessened. The Chilean case was a party decision, but in the Venezuelan case, it is quite possible that parties will be not the only ones involved.

The idea is to make an overreaching decision where, rather than an ideological note, Venezuelans can see a consistent proposal on a feasible program.

Venezuelans are most concerned about living conditions, employment, housing, high cost of living, security. I do not think that anybody is interested in abstract, ideological debate.

Q: Is talking about Socialism of the 21st Century useless?

A: The country wants a policy that helps to restore respect among Venezuelans and reduces political confrontation.

Any proposed policy should make consistent everything helping to shape social democracy, to face and solve the problems of the underprivileged, with the demands and requirements of a republican democracy. There is need to remove prevailing autocracy, the president's excessive high profile and militarism.

Q: Some sectors claim that for these same reasons, the election way is closed.

A: I do believe in democratic strategies based on elections. This is the desirable, appropriate ground to solve political troubles in Venezuela.

Upon such democratic and election grounds, I do think that a political proposal including some of the features already listed could defeat Chávez, regardless of having control of all institutions in an autocratic manner and unscrupulous use of state assets. Other rulers, with the same powers, were beaten by the people's will. I do not see why Chávez should be the exception.

Q: Do you really think that Chávez can be defeated?

A: I think so, because seven years have passed already. The abstention of voters who are presumably influenced by ruling parties proves it. Many people wonder about the essence of it.

In terms of housing, this has been the worst government in Venezuelan modern history. Personal insecurity numbers are spooky. Police agencies are totally helpless and prisons are the worst in the world. In 2005, more than one inmate died. This shows a penitentiary system unable to attain its goals. There are no words for the judiciary. A display of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice is enough to realize that in Venezuela the judicial system has failed to ensure citizens' rights before third parties, let alone before the state.

The country feels that there is more theft than ever. A government that was supposed to end with past weaknesses has not managed to make people think about new winds of change.

Q: You have devised the political features that the leading opponent to Chávez should have, the characteristics of an alternative project and the strategy to cash in on government alleged weaknesses. When will you announce of your decision to run or not for president?

A: (Long pause) I guess I will have to say something about it soon.